Heather MacDonald takes the feminists to task with one of the best articles exposing the campus rape myth and the feminists that make it so.
The Campus Rape Myth
The reality: bogus statistics, feminist victimology, and university-approved sex toys
Its a lonely job, working the phones at a college rape crisis center. Day after day, you wait for the casualties to show up from the alleged campus rape epidemicbut no one calls. Could this mean that the crisis is overblown? No: it means, according to the campus sexual-assault industry, that the abuse of coeds is worse than anyone had ever imagined. It means that consultants and counselors need more funding to persuade student rape victims to break the silence of their suffering.
The campus rape movement highlights the current condition of radical feminism, from its self-indulgent bathos to its embrace of ever more vulnerable female victimhood. But the movement is an even more important barometer of academia itself. In a delicious historical irony, the baby boomers who dismantled the universitys intellectual architecture in favor of unbridled sex and protest have now bureaucratized both. While womens studies professors bang pots and blow whistles at antirape rallies, in the dorm next door, freshman counselors and deans pass out tips for better orgasms and the use of sex toys. The academic bureaucracy is roomy enough to sponsor both the dour antimale feminism of the college rape movement and the promiscuous hookup culture of student life. The only thing that doesnt fit into the universitys new commitments is serious scholarly purpose.
The campus rape industrys central tenet is that one-quarter of all college girls will be raped or be the targets of attempted rape by the end of their college years (completed rapes outnumbering attempted rapes by a ratio of about three to two). The girls assailants are not terrifying strangers grabbing them in dark alleys but the guys sitting next to them in class or at the cafeteria.
This claim, first published in Ms. magazine in 1987, took the universities by storm. By the early 1990s, campus rape centers and 24-hour hotlines were opening across the country, aided by tens of millions of dollars of federal funding. Victimhood rituals sprang up: first the Take Back the Night rallies, in which alleged rape victims reveal their stories to gathered crowds of candle-holding supporters; then the Clothesline Project, in which T-shirts made by self-proclaimed rape survivors are strung on campus, while recorded sounds of gongs and drums mark minute-by-minute casualties of the rape culture. A special rhetoric emerged: victims family and friends were co-survivors; survivors existed in a larger community of survivors.
An army of salesmen took to the road, selling advice to administrators on how to structure sexual-assault procedures, and lecturing freshmen on the undetected rapists in their midst. Rape bureaucrats exchanged notes at such gatherings as the Inter Ivy Sexual Assault Conferences and the New England College Sexual Assault Network. Organizations like One in Four and Men Can Stop Rape tried to persuade college boys to redefine their masculinity away from the rape culture. The college rape infrastructure shows no signs of a slowdown. In 2006, for example, Yale created a new Sexual Harassment and Assault Resources and Education Center, despite numerous resources for rape victims already on campus.
If the one-in-four statistic is correctit is sometimes modified to one-in-five to one-in-fourcampus rape represents a crime wave of unprecedented proportions. No crime, much less one as serious as rape, has a victimization rate remotely approaching 20 or 25 percent, even over many years. The 2006 violent crime rate in Detroit, one of the most violent cities in America, was 2,400 murders, rapes, robberies, and aggravated assaults per 100,000 inhabitantsa rate of 2.4 percent. The one-in-four statistic would mean that every year, millions of young women graduate who have suffered the most terrifying assault, short of murder, that a woman can experience. Such a crime wave would require nothing less than a state of emergencyTake Back the Night rallies and 24-hour hotlines would hardly be adequate to counter this tsunami of sexual violence. Admissions policies letting in tens of thousands of vicious criminals would require a complete revision, perhaps banning boys entirely. The nations nearly 10 million female undergrads would need to take the most stringent safety precautions. Certainly, they would have to alter their sexual behavior radically to avoid falling prey to the rape epidemic.
None of this crisis response occurs, of coursebecause the crisis doesnt exist. During the 1980s, feminist researchers committed to the rape-culture theory had discovered that asking women directly if they had been raped yielded disappointing resultsvery few women said that they had been. So Ms. commissioned University of Arizona public health professor Mary Koss to develop a different way of measuring the prevalence of rape. Rather than asking female students about rape per se, Koss asked them if they had experienced actions that she then classified as rape. Kosss method produced the 25 percent rate, which Ms. then published.
Kosss study had serious flaws. Her survey instrument was highly ambiguous, as University of California at Berkeley social-welfare professor Neil Gilbert has pointed out. But the most powerful refutation of Kosss research came from her own subjects: 73 percent of the women whom she characterized as rape victims said that they hadnt been raped. Furtherthough it is inconceivable that a raped woman would voluntarily have sex again with the fiend who attacked her42 percent of Kosss supposed victims had intercourse again with their alleged assailants.
All subsequent feminist rape studies have resulted in this discrepancy between the researchers conclusions and the subjects own views. A survey of sorority girls at the University of Virginia found that only 23 percent of the subjects whom the survey characterized as rape victims felt that they had been rapeda result that the universitys director of Sexual and Domestic Violence Services calls discouraging. Equally damning was a 2000 campus rape study conducted under the aegis of the Department of Justice. Sixty-five percent of what the feminist researchers called completed rape victims and three-quarters of attempted rape victims said that they did not think that their experiences were serious enough to report. The victims in the study, moreover, generally did not state that their victimization resulted in physical or emotional injuries, report the researchers.
Just as a reality check, consider an actual student-related rape: in 2006, Labrente Robinson and Jacoby Robinson broke into the Philadelphia home of a Temple University student and a Temple graduate, and anally, vaginally, and orally penetrated the women, including with a gun. The chance that the victims would not consider this event serious enough to report, or physically and emotionally injurious, is exactly nil. In short, believing in the campus rape epidemic depends on ignoring womens own interpretations of their experiencessupposedly the most grievous sin in the feminist political code.
None of the obvious weaknesses in the research has had the slightest drag on the campus rape movement, because the movement is political, not empirical. In a rape culture, which condones physical and emotional terrorism against women as a norm, sexual assault will wind up underreported, argued the director of Yales Sexual Harassment and Assault Resources and Education Center in a March 2007 newsletter. You dont need evidence for the rape culture; you simply know that it exists. But if you do need evidence, the underreporting of rape is the best proof there is.
Campus rape researchers may feel that they know better than female students themselves about the students sexual experiences, but the students are voting with their feet and staying away in droves from the massive rape apparatus built up since the Ms. article. Referring to rape hotlines, rape consultant Brett Sokolow laments: The problem is, on so many of our campuses, very few people ever call. And mostly, weve resigned ourselves to the under-utilization of these resources.
Federal law requires colleges to publish reported crimes affecting their students. The numbers of reported sexual assaultsthe law does not require their confirmationusually run under half a dozen a year on private campuses and maybe two to three times that at large public universities. You might think that having so few reports of sexual assault a year would be a point of pride; in fact, its a source of gall for students and administrators alike. Yales associate general counsel and vice president were clearly on the defensive when asked by the Yale alumni magazine in 2004 about Harvards higher numbers of reported assaults; the reporter might as well have been needling them about a Harvard-Yale football rout. Harvard must have double-counted or included incidents not required by federal law, groused the officials. The University of Virginia does not publish the number of its sexual-assault hearings because it is so low. Were reticent to publicize it when we have such a small n number, says Nicole Eramu, Virginias associate dean of students.
Campuses do everything they can to get their numbers of reported and adjudicated sexual assaults upadding new categories of lesser offenses, lowering the burden of proof, and devising hearing procedures that will elicit more assault charges. At Yale, it is the accuser who decides whether the accused may confront hera sacrifice of one of the great Anglo-Saxon truth-finding procedures. You dont want them to not come to the board and report, do you? asks physics professor Peter Parker, convener of the universitys Sexual Harassment Grievance Board.
The scarcity of reported sexual assaults means that the women who do report them must be treated like rare treasures. New York Universitys Wellness Exchange counsels people to believe unconditionally in sexual-assault charges because only 2 percent of reported rapes are false reports (a ubiquitous claim that dates from radical feminist Susan Brownmillers 1975 tract Against Our Will). As Stuart Taylor and K. C. Johnson point out in their book Until Proven Innocent, however, the rate of false reports is at least 9 percent and probably closer to 50 percent. Just how powerful is the believe unconditionally credo? David Lisak, a University of Massachusetts psychology professor who lectures constantly on the antirape college circuit, acknowledged to a hall of Rutgers students this November that the Duke case, in which a black stripper falsely accused three white Duke lacrosse players of rape in 2006, has raised the issue of false allegations. But Lisak didnt want to talk about the Duke case, he said. I dont know what happened at Duke. No one knows. Actually, we do know what happened at Duke: the prosecutor ignored clearly exculpatory evidence and alibis that cleared the defendants, and was later disbarred for his misconduct. But to the campus rape industry, a lying plaintiff remains a victim of the patriarchy, and the accused remain forever under suspicion.
So what reality does lie behind the campus rape industry? A booze-fueled hookup culture of one-night, or sometimes just partial-night, stands. Students in the sixties demanded that college administrators stop setting rules for fraternization. Were adults, the students shouted. We can manage our own lives. If we want to have members of the opposite sex in our rooms at any hour of the day or night, thats our right. The colleges meekly complied and opened a Pandoras box of boorish, sluttish behavior that gets cruder each year. Do the boys, riding the testosterone wave, act thuggishly toward the girls? You bet! Do the girls try to match their insensitivity? Indisputably.
College girls drink themselves into near or actual oblivion before and during parties. That drinking is often goal-oriented, suggests University of Virginia graduate Karin Agness: it frees the drinker from responsibility and provides an excuse for engaging in behavior that she ordinarily wouldnt. A Columbia University security official marvels at the scene at homecomings: The women are shit-faced, saying, Lets get as drunk as we can, while the men are hovering over them. As anticipated, the night can include a meaningless sexual encounter with a guy whom the girl may not even know. This less-than-romantic denouement produces the roll and scream: you roll over the next morning so horrified at what you find next to you that you scream, a Duke coed reports in Laura Sessions Stepps recent book Unhooked. To the extent that theyre remembered at all, these are the couplings that are occasionally transformed into rapethough far less often than the campus rape industry wishes.
The magazine Saturday Night: Untold Stories of Sexual Assault at Harvard, produced by Harvards Office of Sexual Assault Prevention and Response, provides a first-person account of such a coupling:
What can I tell you about being raped? Very little. I remember drinking with some girlfriends and then heading to a party in the house that some seniors were throwing. Im told that I walked in and within 5 minutes was making out with one of the guys who lived there, who Id talked to some in the dining hall but never really hung out with. I may have initiated it. I dont remember arriving at the party; I dimly remember waking up at some point in the early morning in this guys room. I remember him walking me back to my room. I couldnt have made it alone; I still had too much alcohol in my system to even stand up straight. I made myself vulnerable and even now its hard to think that someone here who I have talked and laughed with could be cold-hearted enough to take advantage of that vulnerability. Id rather, sometimes, take half the blame than believe that a profound evil can exist in mankind. But its easy for me to say, that, of the two of us, Im the only one who still has nightmares, found myself panicking and detaching during sex for many months afterwards, and spent more time looking into the abyss than any one person should.
The inequalities of the consequences of the night, the actions taken unintentionally or not, have changed the course of only one of our lives, irrevocably and profoundly.
Now perhaps the male willfully exploited the narrators self-inflicted incapacitation; if so, he deserves censure for taking advantage of a female in distress. But to hold the narrator completely without responsibility requires stripping women of volition and moral agency. Though the Harvard victim does not remember her actions, its highly unlikely that she passed out upon arriving at the party and was dragged away like roadkill while other students looked on. Rather, she probably participated voluntarily in the usual prelude to intercourse, and probably even in intercourse itself, however woozily.
Even if the Harvard victims drunkenness cancels any responsibility that she might share for the interactions finale, is she equally without responsibility for all of her behavior up to that point, including getting so drunk that she cant remember anything? Campus rape ideology holds that inebriation strips women of responsibility for their actions but preserves male responsibility not only for their own actions but for their partners as well. Thus do men again become the guardians of female well-being.
As for the storys maudlin melodrama, perhaps the narrators life really has been irrevocably changed, for which one sympathizes. One cant help observing, however, that the effect of this profound evil on at least her sex life appears to have been minimalshe detached during sex for many months afterwards, but sex she most certainly had. Real rape victims, however, can fear physical intimacy for years, along with suffering a host of other terrors. We dont know if the narrators look into the abyss led her to reconsider getting plastered before parties and initiating sexual contact with casual acquaintances. But if a Harvard student doesnt understand that getting very drunk and becoming physically involved with a boy at a hookup party carries a serious probability of intercourse, shes at the wrong university, if she should be at college at all.
A large number of complicating factors make the Saturday Night story a far more problematic case than the term rape usually implies. Unlike the campus rape industry, most students are well aware of those complicating factors, which is why there are so few rape charges brought for college sex. But if the rape industrialists are so sure that foreseeable and seemingly cooperative drunken sex amounts to rape, there are some obvious steps that they could take to prevent it. Above all, they could persuade girls not to put themselves into situations whose likely outcome is intercourse. Specifically: dont get drunk, dont get into bed with a guy, and dont take off your clothes or allow them to be removed. Once youre in that situation, the rape activists could say, its going to be hard to halt the proceedings, for lots of complex emotional reasons. Were this advice heeded, the campus rape epidemic would be wiped out overnight.
But suggest to a rape bureaucrat that female students should behave with greater sexual restraint as a preventive measure, and you might as well be saying that the girls should enter a convent or don the burka. I am uncomfortable with the idea, e-mailed Hillary Wing-Richards, the associate director of the Office of Sexual Assault Prevention and Womens Resource Center at James Madison University in Virginia. This indicates that if [female students] are raped it could be their faultit is never their faultand how one dresses does not invite rape or violence. . . . I would never allow my staff or myself to send the message it is the victims fault due to their dress or lack of restraint in any way. Putting on a tight tank top doesnt, of course, lead to what the bureaucrats call rape. But taking off that tank top does increase the risk of sexual intercourse that will be later regretted, especially when the tank-topper has been intently mainlining rum and Cokes all evening.
The baby boomers who demanded the dismantling of all campus rules governing the relations between the sexes now sit in deans offices and student-counseling services. They cannot turn around and argue for reregulating sex, even on pragmatic grounds. Instead, they have responded to the fallout of the college sexual revolution with bizarre and anachronistic legalism. Campuses have created a judicial infrastructure for responding to postcoital second thoughts more complex than that required to adjudicate maritime commerce claims in Renaissance Venice.
University of Virginia students, for example, have at least three different procedural channels open to them following carnal knowledge: they may demand a formal adjudication before the Sexual Assault Board; they can request a Structured Meeting with the Office of the Dean of Students by filing a formal complaint; or they can seek voluntary mediation. The Structured Meetings are presided over by the chair of the Sexual Assault Board, with assistance from another board member or senior staff of the Office of the Dean of Students. The Structured Meeting, according to the university, is an opportunity for the complainant to confront the accused and communicate their feelings and perceptions regarding the incident, the impact of the incident and their wishes and expectations regarding protection in the future. Mediation, on the other hand, allows both you and the accused to discuss your respective understandings of the assault with the guidance of a trained professional, says the schools sexual-assault center.
Rarely have primal lust and carousing been more weirdly paired with their opposites. Out in the real world, people who regret a sexual coupling must work it out on their own; no counterpart exists outside academia for this superstructure of hearings, mediations, and negotiated settlements. If youve actually been raped, you go to criminal courtbut the overwhelming majority of campus rape cases that take up administration time and resources would get thrown out of court in a twinkling, which is why theyre almost never prosecuted. Indeed, if the campus rape industry really believes that these hookup encounters are rape, it is unconscionable to leave them to flimsy academic procedures. Universities are equipped to handle plagiarism, not rape, observes University of Pennsylvania history professor Alan Charles Kors. Sexual-assault charges, if true, are so serious as to belong only in the criminal system.
Risk-management consultants travel the country to help colleges craft legal rules for student sexual congress. These rules presume that an activity originating in inchoate desire, whose nuances have taxed the expressive powers of poets, artists, and philosophers for centuries, can be reduced to a species of commercial code. The process of crafting these rules combines a voyeuristic prurience and a seeming cluelessness about sex. It is fun, writes Alan D. Berkowitz, a popular campus rape lecturer and consultant, to ask students how they know if someone is sexually interested in them. (Fun for whom? one must ask.) Continues Berkowitz: Many of the responses rely on guesswork and inference to determine sexual intent. Such signaling mechanisms, dating from the dawn of the human race, are no longer acceptable on the rape-sensitized campus. In fact, explains our consultant, sexual intent can only be determined by clear and unambiguous communication about what is desired. So much for seduction and romance; bring in the MBAs and lawyers.
The campus sex-management industry locks in its livelihood by introducing a specious clarity to what is inherently mysterious and an equally specious complexity to what is straightforward. Both the pseudo-clarity and pseudo-complexity work in a womans favor, of course. If one partner puts a condom on the other, does that signify that they are consenting to intercourse? asks Berkowitz. Short of guiding the thus-sheathed instrumentality to port, its hard to imagine a clearer signal of consent. But perhaps a girl who has just so outfitted her partner will decide after the fact that she has been rapedso better to declare the action, as Berkowitz does, inherently ambiguous. He recommends instead that colleges require clear verbal consent for sex, a policy that the recently disbanded Antioch College introduced in the early 1990s to universal derision.
The university is sneaking back in its in loco parentis oversight of student sexual relations, but it has replaced the moral content of that regulation with supposedly neutral legal procedure. The generation that got rid of parietal rules has re-created a form of bedroom oversight as pervasive as Benthams Panopticon.
But the post-1960s university is nothing if not capacious. It has institutionalized every strand of adolescent-inspired rebellion familiar since student sit-in days. The campus rape industry may decry ubiquitous male predation, but a campus sex industry puts bureaucratic clout behind the message that students should have recreational sex at every opportunity.
In late October, for example, New York Universitys professional sexpert set up her wares in the light-filled atrium of the Kimmel Student Center. Along with the usual baskets of lubricated condoms, female condoms, and dental dams (a lesbian-inspired latex innovation for safe oral sex), Alyssa La Fosse, looking thoroughly professional in a neatly coiffed bun, also provided brightly colored instructional sheets on such important topics as How to Female Ejaculate (First take some time to get aroused. Lube up your fingers and let them do the walking) and Masturbation Tips for Girls (Draw a circle around your clitoris with your index finger). In a heroic effort at inclusiveness, she also provided a pamphlet called Exploring Your Options: Abstinence, but a reader could be forgiven for thinking that he had mistakenly grabbed the menu of activities at a West Village bathhouse. NYUs officially approved abstinence options include outercourse, mutual masturbation, pornography, and sex toys such as vibrators, dildos, and a paddle. Ever the responsible parent-surrogate, NYU recommends that abstinence practitioners cover their sex toys with a condom if they are to be inserted in the mouth, anus, or vagina.
The students passing La Fosses table showed a greater interest in the free Hersheys Kisses than in the latex accessories and informational sheets; very occasionally, someone would grab a condom. No one brought questions about sexuality or sexual health to La Fosse, despite the universitys official invitation to do so. NYU is not about to be daunted in its mission of promoting better sex, however. So it also offers workshops on orgasmshow to achieve that (sometimes elusive) stateand Sex Toys for Safer Sex (an evening with rubber, silicone, and vibrating toys) in residence halls and various student clubs.
Similarly, Brown Universitys Student Services helps students answer the compelling question: How can I bring sex toys into my relationship? Brown categorizes sex toys by function (Some sex toys are meant to be used more gently, while others are used for sexual acts involving dominance and submission . . . suc